Dred Scott

“Dred Scott lived all but two of his sixty-odd years in obscurity.

The fame he achieved late in life was not for himself but for what

he represented. Scott had been a slave of army surgeon John Emerson,

who had taken him from Missouri to posts in Illinois and at Fort Snelling

in the northern part of the Louisiana Purchase [now Minnesota} for

several years in the 1830’s. At Fort Snelling, Scott married a slave also

owned by Emerson. She gave birth to a daughter in territory made free

by the Missouri Compromise while Emerson was returning the Scotts

to Missouri. After Emerson died and his widow inherited the Scotts,

white friends of Dred Scott in St. Louis advised him in 1846 to sue for

freedom on grounds of prolonged residence in a free state and a free

territory. Scott did so. Thus began an eleven-year saga that started as a

simple freedom suit and escalated into the most notorious cause celebre

in American constitutional history..

Scott first lost his suit but then won it on re-trial in St. Louis county court

in 1850. On appeal the Missouri supreme court overturned this decision

in 1852 and remanded the Scotts to slavery. The case was beginning to

acquire political significance. Missouri courts had previously granted

freedom to slaves in cases similar to Scott’s. In overturning those

precedents and asserting that Missouri law prevailed despite Scott’s

residence in free territory, the state supreme court was reacting to

proslavery pressures. Scott’s lawyers, who now included a Vermont

born resident of St. Louis, thought they could win the case if they could

get it before a federal court. Scott’s owner having moved to New York,

the lawyers appealed to federal circuit court under the diverse-citizenship

clause of the Constitution which gives federal courts jurisdiction over

cases involving citizens of different states. In 1854 the circuit court for

Missouri accepted the case [thereby affirming Scott’s status as a citizen]

but upheld the Missouri court’s denial of his suit for freedom.

Scott’s lawyers appealed to the U,S Supreme Court. Proslavery elements

welcomed the move. The potential of the case for resolving crucial consti-

tutional issues had become clear. And the Supreme Court had a southern

majority.

The justices first heard arguments on the case in 1856 and held it over for

argument in the 1856-57 session–perhaps to avoid rendering a decision

before the presidential election. Three main questions were before the

Court: 1] As a black man, was Scott a citizen with a right to sue in federal

courts? 2] Had prolonged residence [two years in each place] in a free state

and territory made Scott free? 3] Was Ft. Snelling actually free territory

that is, did Congress in 1820 have the right to ban slavery in the

Louisiana Purchase north of 36 degrees thirty minutes? The court could

have ducked questions one and three by merely reaffirming the decisions

of the Missouri supreme court and the federal circuit court that Missouri

law governed Scott’s status. Precedents existed for doing so; the Supreme

Court itself in Strader v. Graham [1851] had refused to accept an appeal

from the Kentucky supreme court which had ruled that slaves from

Kentucky taken temporarily to Ohio remained slaves under Kentucky law.

And indeed, for a time it appeared that the Court would take this way out.

On February 14th, 1857, a majority of justices vote to affirm the Strader

principle and let it go at that. Justice Samuel Nelson of New York began to

write the decision. But a few days later the majority reversed itself and

decided to issue a comprehensive ruling covering all aspects of the case.

Why did the court take this fateful step? Answers to this question have been

uncertain and partisan. Only fragmentary accounts of the justices’

confidential discussions leaked out, some of them years later.

One interpretation of this evidence maintains that the two non-Democrats

on the Court, John McLean of Ohio and Benjamin Curtis of Massachussets,

stated their intention to dissent from the narrow decision prepared by

Nelson. Their dissent would not only uphold Scott’s freedom but would also

affirm black citizenship and endorse the right of Congress to prohibit

slaves in the territories. Not wishing these dissents to stand as the Court’s

only statement on such contentious issues, the southern majority recon-

sidered its decision to ignore them and voted to have Chief Justice Roger

B. Taney write a comprehensive ruling. Thus, according to this interpret

ation , Mc clean and Curtis were responsible for provoking the vexatious

Dred Scott decision that superseeded Nelson’s innocuous opinion.

But the truth appears to be more complex. For a decade the question of

slavery in the territories had threatened the Union. Politicians had been try-

ing to pass the buck to the courts since the Compromise of 1850, which had

provided for expedited appeal to the Supreme Court of any suit concerning

slave property in the territories of Utah and New Mexico–a provision re-

peated verbatim in the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854. The problem was that

because these territories did not prohibit slavery, no such suit materialized.

But here, conveniently, came a suit from another part of the Louisiana

Purchase. The yearning for settlement of the question by”political

statesmanship” was widespread in Washington during the winter of

1856-57, especially among southerners. Alexander Stephens, a friend of

Justice James M. Wayne of Georgia and a distant cousin of Justice Robert

Grier of Pennsylvania, wrote privately in 1856: “I have been urging all the

influence I could bring to bear upon Sup. Ct. to get them no longer to post-

pone the case on the Mo. Restriction. . . . “I have reason to believe they wiil

[decide] that the restriction was unconstitutional.” Other southerners

exerted similar pressures on the Court. They seemed to be succeeding.

Two weeks later Stephens reported that “from what I hear sub rosa [the

decision] will be according to my own opinions upon every point….

The restriction of 1820 will be held to be unconstitutional. The Judges are

all writing out their opinions I believe seriatim. The Chief Justice will give

an elaborate one.”

The five southern Justices did want to rule against Congress’s right to ban

slavery from the territories. Some of them had indeed begun writing

opinions to that effect. But the difficulty was in getting the two northern

Democratic justices, Grier and Nelson, to go along with them. This was why

the southerners had reluctantly decided to sidestep the issue with Nelson’s

narrow ruling. Word that McClean and Curtis would raise the broader

questions in their dissents gave southern justices the pretext they needed

to change their minds. They approved a motion by Wayne that Taney

should prepare a decision covering all aspects of the case.

There still remained the problem of cajoling a concurrence from at least

one northern justice to avoid the appearance of a purely sectional ruling.

Nelson could not be persuaded–he had already written his opinion and was

probably miffed by his colleagues’ intent to bypass it. But Grier was pliable.

He was also from Buchanan’s home state. The president-elect was anxious

to have the territorial question resolved. In response to a suggestion from

Justice John Catron of Tennessee, Buchanan brought highly improper but

efficacious influence to bear on Grier, who succumbed. Taney had his

northern justice and could proceed with his ruling.

It was an opinion he had long wanted to write. Eighty years old, the Chief

Justice was frail and ill. The death of his wife and daughter two years

earlier in a yellow fever epidemic had left him heart-stricken. Yet he clung

to life determined to defend his beloved South from the forces of Black

Republicanism. In his younger years Taney had been a Jacksonian

committed to liberating American enterprise from the shackles of special

privilege. As Jackson’s Secretary of the Treasury he had helped destroy the

Second Bank of the United States. His early decision as Chief Justice had

undermined special corporate charters. But the main theme of his twenty-

eight year tenure on the Court was in defense of slavery. Taney had no

great love of the institution for it’s own sake having freed his own slaves.

But he did have a passionate commitment “to southern life and values

which seemed organically linked to the peculiar institution and

unpreservable without it” In private letters Taney expressed growing

anger toward “northern aggression”. “Our own southern countrymen”

were in great danger, he wrote, “the knife of the assassin is at their throats”.

Taney’s southern colleagues on the Court shared this apprehension, accord-

ing to historian Don Fehrenbacher; Justice Peter Daniel of Virginia was a

“brooding proslavery fanatic” and the other three were “unreserved

defenders of slavery.” Because of this “emotional commitment so intense that it made

perception and logic utterly subservient,” the Dred Scott decision was

“essentially visceral in origin. . . a work of unmitigated partisanship,

polemical in spirit [with an] extraordinary cumulation of error,

inconsistency and misrepresentation.”

Taney’s opinion took up first the question whether Dred Scott, as a black

man, was a citizen with the right to sue in federal courts. Taney devoted

more space to this matter than to anything else. Why he did so is puzzling,

for in the public mind this was the least important issue in the case. But

southern whites viewed free blacks as an anomaly and a threat to the

stability of slavery; Taney’s own state of Maryland contained the largest

free Negro population of any state. The Chief Justice’s apparent purpose in

negating U.S citizenship for blacks, wrote Fehrenbacher, was “to launch a

sweeping counterattack on the antilavery movement and . . . to meet every

threat to southern stability by separating the Negro race absolutely from the federal

Constitution and all the rights that it bestowed.” To do so, however, he had

to juggle history, law, and logic in “a gross perversion of the facts”.”

Negroes had not been part of the”sovereign people” who made the Constitution,

Taney ruled; they were not included in the “all men” whom the Declaration

of Independence proclaimed “created equal.” After all, the author of the

Declaration and many of the signers owned slaves, and for them to have

regarded members of the enslaved race as potential citizens would have

been “utterly and flagrantly inconsistent with the principles they asserted.”

For that matter, wrote Taney, at the time the Constitution was adopted

Negroes “had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of

an inferior order . . . so far inferior that that they had no rights which a

white man was bound to respect.”

This was false, as Curtis and McCiean pointed out in their dissents.

Free blacks in 1778 and later had many legal rights [to hold and bequeath

property, make contracts, seek redress in courts, among others]. In five of

the thirteen states that ratified the Constitution black men were legal voters

and participated in the ratification process. No matter, said Taney, these

were rights of state citizenship and the question at issue was United States

citizenship. A person might “have all of the rights and privileges of the

citizen of a State,” opined the Chief Justice and “yet not be entitled to the

rights and privilege of a citizen in any other State”–a piece of judicial

legerdemain that contradicted Article IV. section 2 of the Constitution.

“The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities

of citizens in the several states.”

Having established to his satisfaction that blacks were not citizens, Taney

could have stopped there and refused jurisdiction because the case was

not properly before the Court. That he did not so rendered the remainder

of his decision , in the opinion of many contemporaries and the earliest

generation of historians, obiter dictum— a statement in passing on matters

not formally before the Court and therefore without force of law. But Taney

insisted that because the circuit court had considered all aspects of the case

and decided them “on the merits”,” the whole case including the

constitutionality of the Missouri Compromise restriction on which Scott

based part of his suit for freedom was properly before the Court. Modern

scholars agree. Whatever else Taney’s ruling was, it was not obiter dictum.

Taney and six other Justices [with only Curtis and McClean dissenting]

concurred that Scott’s “sojourn” for two years in Illinois and for a similar

period at Ft. Snelling , even if the latter was free territory, did not make him

free once he returned to Missouri. To this matter Taney devoted only one of

the 55 pages of his opinion. The constitutionality of the Missouri

Compromise received 21 pages of labored prose arguing that Congress

never had the right to prohibit slavery in a territory. That the Constitution

[Article IV, section 3] gave Congress the power to “make all needful rules

and regulations” for the territories was not relevant, said the Justice in a

typical example of hair-splitting, because the rules and regulations were

not laws. The Fifth Amendment protected persons from being deprived

of life, liberty or property without due process; slavery was no different

from other property, and a ban on slavery was therefore an unconstitonal

deprivation of property. “And if Congress itself cannot do this,” continued

Taney in what he intended as a blow against popular sovereignty “it could

not authorize a territorial government to exercise” such a power.

This clearly was obiter dictum, since the question of the power of a

territorial government over slavery was not part of the case.”

 

Excerpted from “The Battle Cry of Freedom[The Civil War Era]”

Author James M. McPherson, who won the Pulitzer Prize for it.

Published by Oxford University Press,Inc.

200 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016.

“Yes Virginia”, the Supreme Court is a political institution, as it was then,is

now, and into the future, have no fear.

Mrs. Emerson remarried and gave Scott back to the original family

that had owned him, who subsequently freed him in 1857. He died of

tuberculosis in 1858. Small comfort, perhaps, but he did die a free man.

It’s remarkable that men such as Taney held such high office.

Even more remarkable is the fact that men of Taney’s stripe hold equally

high office in this nation today.

Islander.